אוג 292016
 

On the International Holocaust Memorial Day of 2010 Arab member of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) Ahmad Tibi gave a speech in the Knesset which left the audience excited to the extent that the Speaker Reuven Rivlin declared that this was "the best speech on the Holocaust ever heard in the Knesset"[1]. What was so unique in Tibi's words? Was it the mere fact that it was an Arab MK who spoke on the Holocaust? Or maybe it was the relief of the predominantly Jewish audience that finally a Palestinian patriot recognized their tragedy in full and did not try to compare it or minimize it or God forbid deny it?

Tibi opened his speech by expressing his full empathy with the survivors and claimed that: "This is the moment when every person should let go his national or religious affiliations and differences, and wear only his human gown, look inside and around and remain just a human being"[2].

He spoke fiercely against Holocaust denial and acknowledged that the Holocaust was the worst crime against humanity in modern times. On the following days the press reported on hundreds of calls of Holocaust survivors to Tibi and on a big unprecedented compliment he got from Prime Minister Netanyahu. But most of all Tibi was moved by the Arab students who called him and said: "finally you were able to show the human aspects of the Arabs, now the Jews understand that we are empathic toward their suffering during that period"[3].

At the same time, another Arab MK, Muhammad Barakeh, the head of Hadash party visited Auschwitz and his visit caused a debate and criticism among the Arab public and Media in Israel. Barakeh, like Tibi, stood firm and claimed that the majority among Arabs and Jews alike supported his move and that as an Israeli MK who had been educated at the Communist party he feels "a moral right to express the cry of these innocent victims"[4]. He too denounced the Holocaust denial and said that those who deny this horrible crime against humanity "send a poisonous arrow to the heart of the Palestinian rightful desire for an independent state aside Israel". But Barakeh also strongly criticized those Israelis who "manipulate the Holocaust for their political interests and for justifying their policy in the occupied territories"[5].

7 years before him, a Knesset member from the Islamic Movement joined the house mission to Poland. Tawfiq Khatib had to ask the permission of his party to accept the invitation to participate in the "March of the living" with his fellow Jewish MKs, and explained that he wanted to see in his own eyes the places he had read about in order to better understand the horrors that took place during WWII. When he came back he was encountered with criticism in some of the Arab papers, including Hadash organ al-Ittihad, but also with support of many visitors who came to greet him in his home upon his return, as it is customary in the Arab society. He said that everyone was anxious to hear as much as he could tell them about this unique trip. His only comment was that the world, and Israel, should commemorate all 20 million victims of this war, among them Polish, Gypsies and civilians of European countries and not just the Jews.[6].

In December 2011 Tibi participated in a Palestinian medical conference in Berlin and asked his hosts to take him to Villa Wannsee. They not only agreed but some of them accompanied him. Signing in the visitors' book Tibi repeated what he had said in the Knesset and added that "we should all learn from history in order for such horrors not to happen again" and that "all peoples have an absolute right for freedom, dignity and life in their homeland"[7]. Here he came closer to the common Israeli-Arab discourse on the Holocaust – one that tries to draw lessons from it to the present days and use them in the current political debate on the Israeli – Palestinian conflict to defend and advance the Palestinian cause.                                                  ˜

It is important to separate between the discourse on the Holocaust of the Palestinian-Arab citizens in Israel from that of the rest of the Arabs and the Palestinians, mainly those who still live under Israeli occupation and those who are dispersed in the Arab world. This sub-group of Palestinians which remained under Israeli rule after 1949 is unique in various fields of life and subsequently also in regard to their attitude towards the Holocaust. Being Israeli citizens they master the Hebrew language and consume Israeli media; most of them are personally acquainted and sometimes friends with Holocaust survivors and their families; they are exposed to ceremonies, museums and the general Israeli public expressions of the Shoah, including in the public sphere and in the media; they learn about the Holocaust from early age as it is part of the curriculum at public schools; they can easily find some translations to Arabic of relevant books published in Israel, like Anna Frank Diary, K. Zetnik works and more, and of course can read the Hebrew literature on the subject.

Salman Natour, a writer and publicist said that undoubtedly his own position as an Arab who lives next to Jewish survivors shaped his attitude towards the Holocaust memory and made it much more sensitive than that of others in the Arab world: "From one hand, I refrain from hurting their feelings in the sake of our coexistence in the country, but from the other hand – I resist the idea that as a Palestinian I am asked to pay the price of history that I am not responsible for"[8].

This is the kind of deliberations that justifies a separate reference to the Arabs in Israel in this regard.                                                          ˜

Right after the establishment of the state of Israel in May 1948 and more so after the Armistice agreements in 1949, which left around 160,000 Arabs under Israel's control, first references to the Holocaust were heard from their side. Some Arab speakers used to compare their life under the Military Government to the life of Jews in the ghettos, and claimed that they suffer from curfews and closures like those imposed on the Jews by the Nazis. The murder of 49 civilians who had not heard about a curfew and were killed by Israeli policemen in Kufur Qaessem in October 1956 was compared to the atrocities in the camps. Prominent Arab citizens – Knesset members, writers and journalists would ask once and again – how come that the Jews, who had suffered so much and only recently came out of hell, are capable of doing the same to the Palestinians?

Maki, the Israeli Communist party was the spearhead of the national struggle of the Arab citizens in Israel in those years and its members constantly demonstrated and protested against the Military Government. Being communists under direct influence of the Soviet Union – the story of WWII was for them the victory over fascism, in which the Red Army played a major role. They did not deny the Holocaust of course and felt empathy towards its victims – Jews and others alike, but constantly made the connection between what happened in Europe and the price paid by the Palestinians who became its victims despite the fact that they had nothing to do with the Holocaust and were not to be blamed for it.

A formative text had been written in the 80's by the late prominent writer and former Maki MK Emil Habibi, one of the leaders of the party. Its title says it all: "Your Holocaust – Our Catastrophe"[9]. He was asked by an Israeli magazine to write an article on the "Arab understanding of the Holocaust" and saw it as a challenge and opportunity to express his mind on this sensitive issue. The article is short but contains the main points that were made before him and would be later repeated again and again in the Holocaust discourse among the Arab community in Israel: First he claims that there is a direct connection between the Holocaust and the establishment of the State of Israel, since the Europeans cleaned their conscious towards the Jews, by recognizing Israel as a state for the Jews on the expense of the Palestinians. Anti-Semitism is a European phenomenon, Arabs are not anti-Semites and in fact had suffered themselves from it.  He contiues his argument by saying that the Jews were not the only victims of the WWII, as the Nazis killed other ethnic groups.Habibi, following the communist discourse wrote that overcoming Nazism and the Nazis is the celebration of all mankind and not just of the Jews and should be considered as a universal issue and not just Jewish. Referring to the state of Israel after 3 decades he claims that the Holocaust gives the Israelis excuses to use force and oppress the Palestinians. and that the Holocaust memory makes the Israeli society fearful and therefore racist.

Habibi concluded his article in what has become later a common knowledge among the majority of the Arabs in Israel and also among the rest of the Palestinians: "If not for your – and all of humanity's – Holocaust in WWII, the catastrophe that is still the lot of my people would not have been possible". And finally he summarized: "In the eyes of the Arabs the Holocaust is seen as the original sin which enabled the Zionist movement to convince millions of Jews of the rightness of its cause"[10].

This is of course not an accurate historical analysis since Zionism started almost a century before the Holocaust, but it implies that the Zionist movement had used the Holocaust to manipulate its own people – a thesis that is not exclusive to Arabs and appears in several Jewish and Israeli books and papers as well[11].

Like Habibi, most Arab intellectuals in Israel today are convinced that this connection is a solid fact. Most of them refrain from directly compare the Holocaust to the Palestinian nakba but make some additional points which follow Habibi's way of thinking. As tragic as it was – the Holocaust is an event that happened and ended, whereas the nakba is still going on everyday, is an argument heard now and again in encounters and discussions between Arabs and Jews. After the Holocaust the Jews were able to established an independent state which is now strong and prosperous, whereas the Palestinians, after the nakba, remained stateless and dispersed around the Middle East and the world. And a more general observation is often heard saying that personal suffering is a subjective feeling, one cannot argue that one's is less painful than the others', and so is the case with national disasters.                                                          ˜

Another formative article analyzing this subject was published in 1995, in a Hebrew history journal, written by Azmi Bishara, a leading intellectual and later Knesset member, currently a fugitive, which aroused emotional discussion and deepened the gap between Arab and Jewish perceptions and attitudes towards Holocaust memory[12]. Bishara repeats the argument that the Palestinians are the indirect victims of the Holocaust whereas the Israeli Jews, despite being currently the occupiers – have remained its direct victims. He agrees that any political compromise between the two peoples must take into account their collective memories about their past, but criticizes the Israelis for 'appropriating' the Holocaust and using it for their own interests, and by this diminish its universal lessens. This point has been raised by others too – complaining that the Israel "stole" the Holocaust and have not allowed Arabs and others a free and universal discussion about it. Bishara connected the Palestinian acknowledgement of the Holocaust to Israeli Jewish recognition of the Palestinian Catastrophe and dispossession in 1948 and on, and argued that: “In order for the victim to forgive, he must be recognized as a victim. This is the difference between a historic compromise and a cease-fire.”[13] He was one of the first to point out the fact that the Holocaust memory had become a central motive in crystallizing the modern Israeli-Jewish identity, mainly the secular one. This thesis was later developed by Yair Oron in his book "Israeli Identities" in which he claims that the Holocaust became a kind of a "secular religion" for many Israelis, mainly those who are not Orthodox[14].

                                                       ˜

Following the tragic events of the 2000 al-aksa intifada during which 13 Arab demonstrating citizens had been shot dead by the Israeli police, a deep split occurred between Jews and Arabs and the feeling was that years of joint efforts to build trust have gone in vain. Interestingly enough, some new initiatives to overcome this trauma from the Arab side had to do with the Holocaust memory. Thus, in 2003 Father Emil Shofani, a religious leader and educator form Nazareth led hundreds of Arabs and Jews from all walks of life on a joint journey to Auschwitz named "from memory to peace". Additional 250 Jews, Muslims and Christians form France joined them. The journey received huge coverage in the local and international media. Shofani said that one of his goals was to enable Arabs to 'penetrate' into the Jewish minds and hearts, in order for them to be able to understand their neighbors. "I realized that there is no chance for true dialogue and reconciliation unless we have in-depth understanding of this matter of the Holocaust; unless we touch the suffering, the memory, the terminology. It may be not sufficient to get us out of the mud we're stuck in, but it's definitely necessary"[15], he said.

Salem Jubran who took part in the journey said to a Jewish participant that the Jews cannot carry this trauma on their own, the horror is too heavy and affects the entire humanity, he said and added: "Visiting Auschwitz made me understand the abnormal situation of Israel – in one hand it is a mighty country with a strong army, and yet you are so afraid, feel threatened, you are like a chronic patient"[16]. In an attempt to be optimistic he concluded: "Maybe a joint journey to the past would help create a common future".

A documentary film about this journey is presented in the Yad Va'shem web site in Arabic and several Arab participants are interviewed there. One of the most moving image is that of a Muslim imam praying in Arabic in Auschwitz and the entire group surrounds him with solemn faces and tears. Nazier Majali, an Arab journalist from Nazareth and one of the organizers of this journey explained that he and a group of friends wanted to change the atmosphere between the two communities after the events of 2000 and create a new discourse between them through understanding the Holocaust and its influence over the Jewish people[17].

Apparently, this journey made a great impact on most of its participants. A survey among them, that was conducted four years after the journey, showed that the personal experience caused a real transformation and significant change in the participants lives in many different ways.[18] The interviews held with the Arab participants showed a variety of motives for their joining the group with several common denominators: previous contacts with Jews; belonging to families with Communist background; previous actions of "swimming against the stream" in their own society; and also anger and bitterness towards the Jews due to previous confrontations and/or family history of being uprooted.[19] Visiting Auschwitz "brought the participants to the edge of emotional experience that goes beyond any political and personal concepts", wrote the researchers and described the different points of "no-return" that caused a transformation to the Arab visitors. A young female participant said: "We were all there as human beings, nothing separated us since we were all in the same status of humans. The pain of that Jew [who went through the Holocaust] is the pain of the entire humanity. The Holocaust was a universal catastrophe. This was our feeling standing there".[20] Some of the Arabs who took part in this journey had been criticized and people asked them upon their return why they do not take the Jews to a parallel journey to Palestinian painful sites in Israel. This comparison that is so often heard was put aside in this case, probably because this time the initiative, leadership and organization was all Arab and it had clear goals.

Another initiative by an Arab in Israel was the opening of a modest Holocaust museum in Nazareth in 2005. Attorney Khaled Mahamid had written a book named "The Palestinians and the Holocaust State" in which he repeated the argument that the Palestinian people paid the price of the Shoah in 1948 when the Europeans, who had bad conscious toward the Jews, granted them the Palestinian homeland to build their state. And yet, he wrote, the Palestinians never investigated this topic seriously, despite the fact that it affected their history, so he wanted to help them to do that through the museum[21]. Mahamid encountered different reactions in the Arab street – from a blame that he is a "Zionist" to deep appreciation. He too believes that the road toward true peace between the peoples passes through learning and understanding of the traumatic influence of the Holocaust on the Jewish psyche.

One later result of the 2000 intifada was several initiatives of groups of Arab activists to issue documents in which they presented their future vision on their relations with the state and their civil status in it. In one of these documents that was published in 2007 by Mada el-Carmel research Center in Haifa and was called "The Haifa Declaration" a special chapter is dealing with the Holocaust memory[22]. It starts with the intention to "reach historic reconciliation between the Jewish Israeli people and the Arab Palestinian people", continues with the demand from the state to recognize its responsibility for the injustice it had committed against the Palestinians during the nakba in '48, to approve the right of return and to acknowledge Israel's war crimes in the Palestinian territories – and then the writers turn into the following:

"This historic reconciliation also requires us, Palestinians and Arabs, to recognize the right of the Israeli Jewish people to self-determination and to life in peace, dignity, and security with the Palestinians and the other peoples of the region. We are aware of the tragic history of the Jews in Europe, which reached its peak in one of the most horrific human crimes in the Holocaust perpetrated by the Nazis against the Jews, and we are fully cognizant of the tragedies that the survivors have lived through. We sympathize with the victims of the Holocaust, those who perished and those who survived. We believe that exploiting this tragedy and its consequences in order to legitimize the right of the Jews to establish a state at the expense of the Palestinian people serves to belittle universal, human, and moral lessons to be learned from this catastrophic event, which concerns the whole of humanity"[23].

What we read here is a combination of sensitive and sincere personal sympathy towards the Jewish victims of the Holocaust on one hand and a sophisticated criticism and repetition of the argument that the justification of establishing a Jewish state on the expense of the Palestinians is deeply connected to the Holocaust. But above all, this document proves a deep understanding of the role of the Holocaust as a deep-rooted issue in the Jewish-Arab relations in the state that needs to be addressed by both sides, despite the fact that the Arabs had nothing to do with it. Such an attitude is possible only among Palestinians who live inside Israel and are closely familiar with their Jewish neighbors. Only they – in contrast to others in the Arab World – can appreciate the magnitude of the Holocaust impact over the Israeli Jews as individuals and as a collective.                                                                ˜

A blunt expression of intertwining the Shoah and the nakba can be seen in a document issued by the Islamic Movement in Umm al-Fahm in 2008 in memory of 60 years of the nakba (and the establishment of the state of Israel). They printed identity cards of "returnees" and underneath mentioned the number 6,000,000 hinting that parallel to the 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust there is similar number of Palestinian refugees who had been uprooted and exiled  – a number which is obviously much exaggerated. This is an exceptional example of connecting the two national tragedies.[24]                                                     ˜

Arab students in Israel meet the story of the Holocaust for the first time in the official education system in the 9th grade, when they study general history and discuss the chapter of WWII. Second time is in the 12th grade only for those few who take history as a major (5 point for matriculation).  So the knowledge of an average Arab high-school graduate on the Holocaust is very limited, says a retired history teacher who was also an inspector for years[25]. Teachers try to stick to the text books, which are mostly translated form Hebrew and are not adapted to the Arab schools, so obviously they emphasize the Jewish point of view and not the universal lessons. Usually the students feel alienated from the subject and many of those young people make the comparisons to the situation of the Palestinians in the territories today. However, this void is partly filled by independent NGOs and private initiatives. The first anthology in Arabic about the Holocaust was published in 1988 by the Jewish-Arab Center for Peace at Givat Haviva[26] and its 10,000 copies were distributed to all Arab schools and libraries in Israel and the book was recommended by the Ministry of Education. Dozens of teachers went through special trainings and workshops which were held by the Center, met with survivors and discussed ways of teaching this sensitive topic at class.  Similar program started years later at the Ghetto Fighters Center for humanistic education in Northern Israel, and it is still going on. The center trained young Arabs to be guides in the museum and they bring thousands of students annually for tours and workshops.

Yad Vashem had launched a web site in Arabic in 2008. Minister of culture and science at the time Mr. Ghaleb Majadla (the first and only Muslim-Arab minister in Israeli government ever) said in the launching ceremony that as an Arab who lives next to survivors he congratulates this initiative not just as a commemoration of the past, but as a way of learning current lessons and generate a struggle against racism, anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism, everywhere in the world[27]. Since the Internet is open and free for all, it cannot be blocked by walls of hatred and censorship, he said, and expressed his hope that thousands of Arabic reading people from around the world will use this web site and learn the truth about the Holocaust. Prince Hassan from Jordan sent his own words for the occasion by video and they were put on the site[28]. Indeed, during the first year Yad Vashem reported of 168,000 clicks to its Arabic website, but it dropped dramatically to 94,000 in 2012. So the institute hired an expert to advice how to reach out to "tough audience" and was able to almost triple the number to 242,000 clicks a year later and millions of viewers, using a targeted online ad campaign.[29] One of Yad Vashem highlights in recent years was a photo exhibit of Muslim Bosnians who saved Jews during WWII and were recognized as "righteous among the nations"[30]. The institute is making great efforts to bring groups of Arab teachers and students to the museum and holds special seminars for them.

More modest private initiatives of individuals were also made after 2000. Like a program of the history teacher Othman Khatib from Kalanswa named "Taking responsibility on the other among us – young Arabs and Jews study the Holocaust together". Khatib, who won a price from the teachers association for his program, did not hide his motives behind this initiative – to expose the fact that racism, stereotypes and hatred of the "other" which had made possible the awful events of the Holocaust exist today between the two peoples, and therefore we should draw the lesson and teach the youngsters of both societies how dangerous these phenomena are.[31]

However, it seems like all these initiatives together touched only a small part of the society and cannot make a real impact. In 2008 Prof. Sammy Smooha from Haifa University conducted his annual survey of mutual attitudes of Arabs and Jews in Israel called "The Coexistence Index". He included a direct question about the Holocaust and shocking results came: 40% of the Arabs interviewees answered that they do not believe the Holocaust really occurred and that so many millions of Jews were murdered – an increase from 28% two years before. Smooha himself tried to 'comfort' the public and explained these results not as a Holocaust denial but mostly as a protest and reaction to the Israeli Jewish instrumentalization of the Holocaust and the use of its memory as a justification to Israel's use of force towards the Palestinians[32]. I tend to agree with him and do not think that Holocaust denial as such is widely spread among Arabs in Israel, they mostly reject the fact that the Israeli establishment uses the Holocaust as an excuse for Israel's security oriented policy and the use of power towards the Palestinians. Nazir Majali says that denial does exist in the margins, but he also explains that it is directly connected to the political situation and the humiliation Palestinians feel in Israel[33].

A Knesset research paper about teaching the Holocaust in Arab schools was published following the publication of Smooha's survey. It specifies in details the very small number of Arab students and teachers who took part in special programs on the Holocaust in different institutions and recommends to increase them significantly. The paper brings the results of yet another survey, this time conducted by Yad Vashem itself, which shows that 58% of the Arabs in Israel think that studying about the Holocaust in schools is needed, and among youngsters till the age of 24 the percentage is 64. Indeed, in 2012, 1500 Arab students went to Poland as part of their curriculum, and the ministry of education declared that Holocaust studies will be obligatory in all Arab schools soon.

Avihu Ronen who has been teaching the Holocaust to Arabs for many years in Givat Haviva and in Lohamei Ha'getaot (Ghetto fighters) center wrote an analytical article about his experience and in which he presented some important insights[34]:As an educatiors he thinks that. studying the suffering of the 'other' in the context of Jewish-Arab relations is possible only by relinquishing the feeling of being the "absolute victim". The attitude towards the subject matter (Holocaust and/or nakba) has not to be comparative one, but rather one of sharing and empathizing with different narratives.he suggests that teaching methods should  be based on mutuality, namely, co-teaching (by Arab and Jewish instructors), and that the syllabi should include subjects relevant to both Arabs and Jews. Teachers must be ready to discuss any controversial subject. Ronen also recommends that dealing with these issues should be an ongoing process and not a one time experience.

 Studying the suffering of the 'other' can lead to a better understanding, Ronen claims, and it is most effective in establishing a real dialogue between two nations in a multicultural society. Unfortunately, in the current political atmosphere in Israel only few schools are engaged in such a long term sensitive educational process.                                                         ˜

In 2010 a book named "The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab Israeli War of Narratives", was published in English, translated from the Frencoriginal written by Gilbert Achkar, a Lebanese Christian who lives in London[35]. Achkar puts his finger on the heart of the issue – war of narratives. As is the case concerning the events of  '48 – there is a deep gap between the narratives of the two peoples about almost everything, and the Holocaust as a major trauma in modern Jewish history is no exception. It is natural for the Arabs to interpret these tragic events from their point of view and according to their understanding and implications on their history, Achkar says.

Indeed, leading Palestinian intellectuals have referred to this "war of narratives during the years. Some of them stressed its universal lessons, like Mahmud Darwish, the Palestinian national poet who can also be considered "Arab Israeli" since he was born in Birweh in Western Galilee and had lived as a citizen in Israel till 1970, spoke Hebrew and published his first works in Israeli journals. Darwish was among 14 Arab intellectuals who signed a petition that called for the cancelation of a conference on Holocaust denial that was about to be held in Beirut in 2001[36]. In several of his poetic works he had mentioned the Holocaust and its survivors with compassion, and said that however intense the hostility between Israelis and Arabs is, no Arab has the right to feel that his enemy's enemy is his friend, for Nazism is the enemy of all peoples around the world.

More recently Marzuk Halabi, aa Arab-Israeli poet and writer wrote: "I do not think a Palestinian can loose anything by understanding the Holocaust deeply, beyond its influence on the Arab-Israel conflict". He presented a question that does not have an answer yet: "will the Palestinians be able to remember the Holocaust as a separated event without the shadow of their nakba?"[37]                                                                              ˜

This "War of narratives" and the complete misunderstanding of each other's interpretation of the past is indeed one of the main obstacles for reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians. The control over the national collective memory is a major tool for politicians from both sides to strengthen the national identity and "patriotism" among their peoples, and the feeling of victimhood is a strong tool for national mobilization. The Holocaust as a global memory became one of the political instruments in this war. The more the political situation seems hopeless – the more use of the Holocaust we are about to encounter by all sides. If the two peoples do not find ways to dismantle these devices, we should expect many more generations of mutual suspicion and hatred because it is not possible to look toward a peaceful future until accounts have been settled with the past. In this regard the Palestinian citizens of Israel can play a major role in mediating between the two parties to which they belong due to their unique historical perspective and ability to understand both sides.

The article is based on a presentation given in a conference on: Global Memory of the Holocaust? Haifa University, January 5, 2012

[1] Ha'aretz 28.1.2010 Jonathan Liss,

[2] ibid

[3] www.walla.co.il 19.2.2010

[4]  NRG (Maariv website) 28.1.2010

[5] ibid

[6] Ha'aretz 18.5.2000

[7] Ha'aretz, 9.12.2011

[8]ٍSalman Natour, "The memory of death, the memory of life" in: Amos Goldberg & Bashir Bashir, The Holocaust and the Nakba: Memory, National Identity and Jewish-Arab Partnership, The Van Leer Jerusalem Institute/Hakibbutz Hameuchad, Jerusalem/Tel Aviv 2015, p. 135.

[9] Emil Habibi, "Your Holocaust Our Catastrophe", The Tel Aviv Review, Vol. 1, January 1988, pp. 332- 336

[10] ibid, p. 335.

[11] In the works of Tom Segev, Moshe Zimmerman  and Idit Zertal for example

[12] Azmi Bishara, "The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Analysis of a Problematic Conjunctive Letter" Zmanim 53, Summer 1995, pp. 54-71.

[13] Azmi Bishara, “On Chauvinism and Universalism” (in Hebrew). Zemanim 55 (Winter 1996): 102-107.

[14]Yair Auron, Israeli Identities: Jews and Arabs Facing the Self and the Other, Resling 2010 (Hebrew)

[15] We are There, A documentary on the journey, www.yadvashem.org.il in Arabic.

[16] Conversation with Hava Pinchas Cohen

http://sites.google.com/site/havapinhasco/articles/article7

[17] Nazir Majali, interview with the author, December 2011.

[18] Hava Shechter, Anees Farhat, Dan Bar-On, Arabs and Jews in Poland: The Mutual Voyage of Israeli Arabs and Jews to the Concentration Camp in Auschwitz – May 2003, The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, Tel Aviv University, 2008 p. 84 (Hebrew).

[19] Ibid p.56-58.

[20] Ibid, p. 64-65.

[21] Ma'ariv, 16.3.2005

[22] The full text of the Haifa Declaration in: http://www.mada-research.org

[23] ibid

[24] Al-zikra 60 (memory 60) Returnee Document, The Islamic Movement, Umm al-Fahm 2008. (Arabic)

[25] Interview with Said Barghuth, December 2011

[26] Meir Orkin (ed.) Al-Karitha (the catastrophe), Givat Haviva 1988. (Arabic)

[27] www1.yadvashem.org/yv/he/about/events/2008/arabic_site.asp

[28] ibid

[29] Haaretz,14.2.2014

[30] Here it is worth mentioning Robert Satloff book Among the Righteous: Lost Stories from the Holocaust's Long Reach into Arab Lands, (Public Affairs, 2006) which contributes to this case.

[31] Arye Kizel, "Taking the Responsibility on the other among us", www.e-mago.co.il,  4.10.2007 (Hebrew)

[32] Sammy Smooha, Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2003-2009. Haifa: The Jewish-Arab Center, University of Haifa. 2010. 

[33]  Interview with the writer

[34] Avihu Ronen, "The Suffering of The Other: Arab Teachers Studying The Holocaust", in Avi Sagi and Ohad Nachtomy (Editors), The Multicultural Challenge in Israel, Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2009 pp. 226 – 242.

[35]  Gilbert Achcar The Arabs and the Holocaust: the Arab-Israeli War of Narratives, Metropolitan Books England  

[36] Ha'aretz, 19.3.2001

[37] The Arabs and the Jewish Holocaust: Advanced understanding of Zionism, al-Hayyat, 24.4.2010 (Arabic)

In: Alan Steinweis, Philipp Gassert, and Jacob Eder, Holocaust Memory

in a Globalizing World, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

(forthcoming 2016)

  • In memory of Salem Jubran (1941-2011), a writer and a poet, a colleague and  

    Friend, who was one of the first Arab educators on the Shoah

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